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| | Extract of a letter to Otto {X} | | | [[Extract of a letter to Otto X (1940•1943)|Extract of a letter to Otto {X}]] |
| | 1940•1943 | | | 1940•1943 |
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| | Two versions of a typed text | | | [[To_Ilona_(26_July_1941)#p3|Two versions of a typed extract of a letter to Ilona (26 July 1941)]] |
| | 1960s | | | [[1941]] |
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| | Two versions of typed letter (?) | | | [[Typewritten Draft of a Letter (1960s)]] |
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| | Typed extract of a letter to Oszkár Jászi | | | [[To Oszkár Jászi (1945?)|Typed extract from a letter to O. Jászi (1945)]] |
| | ? | | | [[1945]]? |
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| | 9-10 | | | 9-10 |
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| === Extract of a letter to Otto x, in German {1940-1943} ===
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| <span class="hand-written" style="margin-left:350px;">Aus einem Brief an Otto ______ Bennington.</span><ref>Must be in the [[47/13]] missing archive, because I did not find it.</ref>
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| [[File:KPA 30-02, 2 (detail).jpg|600px|right]]
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| {{Page |n°=1}} Ich selbst fühle mich wie einer der auf der äusseren Bühne seine innere Sicht bestätigt findet. Mein geplantes Buch handelt von unserer Zeit, und dennoch fand ich es nicht nötig, seinen Gedankengang zu ändern, wiewohl es seit einigen Jahren festlag. Je länger die Krise dauert umso einfacher stellen sich ihre Umrisse dar. Nach wie vor glaube ich, dass unserer Zeit eine objektive Aufgabe gestellt ist, und dass diese zwei <span class="hand-written">{einamler}</span> ausschliessende Lösungen zulässt. Was die organisatorische Gesinnung anlangt sind sie heute am ehesten durch Russland und Deutschland vertreten. <span class="hand-written">{amikska steht in driner hmnnis auf der nsssmen} Seite.</span> Die eine ist auf die Person gebaut wie sie (im westlichen Umkreis) seit dem Christentum existiert; die andere auf den Versuch, hinter jene Erkenntnis zurückzugehen, sie zu leugnen. Freilich genügen altesund neues Testament nicht. Sowohl dem Fascismus wie dem Sozialismus ist eine dritte Erkenntnis eigen, die nicht minder Endgültiges offenbart als die Erkenntnis von Tod une innerer Freiheit, nämlich, die der Unaufhebbarkeit der Gesellschaft. Der moderne Mensch ist ein Kind dieser Erkenntnis (der liberale und liberal-konservative), der sie nicht kennt, gehört einer versunkenen Welt an.) Das Christentum ist damit überwunden aber nicht widerlegt. Die Lösung der unabweisbaren Probleme des Lebensinns, die uns die Gesellschaft in ihrer industriellen Form setzt, muss jene dritte Offenbarung anerkennen, <u>aber ohne die zweite zu leugnen.</u> In anderen Worten, nur eine das Christentum transzendierende Lösung ist wahr; nicht eine, die das Christentum in seinem Wesen leugnet. Wiewohl unsere Zeit nicht gewohnt ist sich selbst in diesen Wendungen zu erfassen, bleiben sie doch die einfachsten.
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| <div class="hand-written" style="margin-left:550px;">K.P.</div>
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| === Two versions of a typed text ===
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| {{Page |n°=5}} Not since 1920 did I have a time so rich in study and development…………… My studies fall into three periods, I should say.
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| First, I tried to Americanise my knowledge of the various social sciences, reading the leading American sociologists, political scientists, psychologists and philosophers. Actually Dewey (some six of his works) took a month, but this had to be expanded by Pierce, Mead, James and Morris. I read up almost all of {Hasewell's} number of anthropological works, like Boas, Lindon and Ruth Benedikt; I studied the history of American Democratic thinking and some authors who form opinion just now. Then I proceeded to a comprehensive study of economies, mainly the Keynesian School - that brilliant galaxy of writers to whom Mrs Robinson, Harrod, Robertson, Mead, Mr. Robinson and Chamberlin in the U.S.A. belong. I had read much of Haberler's Hayek's stuff too, quite apart from the genuine Americans like Wesel, Mitchell. To this second period I would reckon my efforts to get into semantics, my reading of Carnap, Morris, Wedger and others. Incidentally I took my first dip into elementary mathematics in order to get a better grip on my economics. (I forget to mention my continuous occupation with the subject matter of my seminar - closely related to the book stuff - which kept me busy on the development of Western Civilisation, relying mainly on Max Weber, Troeltsch, Sombart, Tawney, Pirenne and Cunningham, but eventually having to include the Intatitutio Christians or Calvin and other rather out of the way matters.) The third and by far the most important period started with the beginning of July and testing the validity of my ideas are the Speenhamland period, about 1800 and the turn towards perfectionism about 1875; finally the 1920 to 40 period in which the collapse secured. These will form the bulk material insofar as it is historical. On the whole I find my intuition more supported than not in the facts………
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| === Draft Manuscript of “Our Country's Duty”? === | | === Draft Manuscript of “Our Country's Duty”? === |
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| History continued to evolve. The October Revolution was followed by the Soviet {regime} of 1919, followed by White Terror and Counter-Revolution which turned on {hoot} war into a moral catastrophe. | | History continued to evolve. The October Revolution was followed by the Soviet {regime} of 1919, followed by White Terror and Counter-Revolution which turned on {hoot} war into a moral catastrophe. |
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| === Two versions of typed letter (?) ===
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| {{Page |n°=7}} I was re-converted to socialism, and essentially to the prophetic understanding only Owen had of what industrialism would mean. Socialism is its humanizing. By now - 1960s - it is literally its physical salvation. E.H. Carr had a word for socialism, his own: 'a purposeful society'. This requires some organisations, at least that of the economy. The point is that states or nations are insufficient to resolve the question of an industrialised mankind - neither peace nor the international economy can be achieved outside of actively purposeful <u>societies</u>. Many questions are up: peace involves the conditions of growth for many peoples, and the restoration of an (any) economy comprises long-term trade, investment, co-operation and even some degree of spontaneous competition, an expression of live vigour, not profit-motivated but un-motivated, like life itself.
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| A developing process of technology (machines and instruments) of national and racial consciousness, association in the sharing of raw materials- all this happens to necessitate policies which involve the use of national resources by the governments. but capitalist countries cannot do this. The resources are privately owned. The state has no organs for <u>foreign economy</u>. Indeed their trouble with the Soviets is that these possess a foreign trade monopoly which they have defended over 45 years at an enormous cost in civil and foreign wars. Actually, the Soviets refrain from using that monopoly because the "free economies" are virtually, when confronted with such a monopoly, defenseless. The greatest obstacle to serious peace moves is this: the USSR has no partner in the West with to make a <u>deal</u> in the absence of organs of foreign economy in the capitalist states. Yet there is hardly any hope for co-existence as long as the economies of the blocks can neither co-operate nor compromise for lack of the necessary organs (institutional instruments). These organs need not go to the length of a foreign monopoly, but they must be suitable to negotiate with foreign trade monopoly countries. By no means dos this imply socialism. As little as trade unions, social insurance or even the nationalisation of one or another industry amounts to the abolishment of private property. False notions are rampant in the USA on these matters, but that should not be a permanent obstacle.
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| The problems are second in importance only to nuclear disarmament, which ranks <u>first</u>. As to the latter, looked at from a distance, I maintain that no socialist action of the latter years was, in its total direct and <u>indirect</u> effect more vital than that of the English marchers. At this very moment the chances of ultimate effective bans still primarily depend on the moral factor of world public opinion - simple people's feelings, in their mass.
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| The negative side of this was documented by Saskatchewan. No informed person doubted here that the scandalous Regina doctor's strike was a symptom of a <u>general</u> antipathy against socialism which came to a head as a result of the world tension. Don<ref>Donald? Donald Grant?</ref>, I believe, shared this view.
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| The Soviets themselves appear very conscious of the need for an intellectual and institutional equipment that would enable them to contribute to co-existence as soon as a chance offers. However, “their "great-power chauvinism” is an a[w]kward obstacle; the satellite countries throng helpless on the side-lines, a la Walrus and the Carpenter'. My own aims are very consciously directed [t]owards the improvement of Soviet theory and outlook, as a by-product of their themselves for co-existence. Their present theoretical armour has already proved shockingly inadequate (Cuba). But sign of an awareness of their backwardness are not lacking.
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| === Extract from a letter to O. Jászi ===
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| {{Page |n°=9}} {{Page |n°=10}}
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| == Editor's Notes == | | == Editor's Notes == |
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| <references /> | | <references /> |
KPI Description
| Title
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Karl Polanyi: Polanyi on Polanyi, 1958-1960
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| Author
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Karl, Polanyi
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| Description
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File consists of typed reflections and personal statements by Karl Polanyi on himself, his life and work. The statements are in German and English.
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| URI
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http://hdl.handle.net/10694/457
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| Documents Date
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1940s-1960s
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Contents
Draft Manuscript of “Our Country's Duty”?
[6] Polanyi Károly
Our country's duty[1]
The author of this lines was among those who launched the Galilei Circle in the early years of our century. He belonged to the Western emigres from Horthy, but never {believ}ed the this with his home country.
History continued to evolve. The October Revolution was followed by the Soviet {regime} of 1919, followed by White Terror and Counter-Revolution which turned on {hoot} war into a moral catastrophe.
Editor's Notes